Photo credit: Cuba Debate / Flickr / Creative Commons
By Fulton Armstrong (The Jewish Daily Forward, June 2014)
In this article, Armstrong makes the case that the U.S. has a moral commitment to protect and intervene on behalf of not only service men and women like Bowe Bergdahl, but any American citizen carrying out overseas operations supported by the U.S. Government. He specifically highlights Gross' case, since the democracy promotion activities Gross conducted in Cuba (for which he is now imprisoned) were approved and funded by the U.S. government. Nonetheless, the Obama administration has thus far refused to engage in dialogue with the Cubans about the Gross Case and the case of the Cuban Five.
By Peter Kornbluh (The Nation, May 2014)
Kornbluh's interview with imprisoned USAID contractor Alan Gross underscores the urgency of the U.S. taking action to resolve the case, given Gross' current condition. Kornbluh argues that Gross' jail sentence, received while working for an USAID-sponsored democracy promotion program, is both "a symbol of a filed, Cold War-era policy of regime change" and a testament to "President Obama's political ambivalence" toward participating in new diplomatic strategies with Cuba. He stresses the potential economic and political damages that the U.S. could suffer if it lets the current estrangement with Cuba continue.
(Along the Malecón (blog), January 2013)
This blog entry documents the case of Alan Gross from the point that DAI was awarded the USAID contract to Gross's imprisonment.
Senators Kerry, Leahy, and Menendez answer eight questions regarding the USAID Cuba Program in Cuba, stressing metrics, strengths and weaknesses, impact, numbers of people assisted, the extent of the program, effectiveness, legal risks, and requirements.
By R. M. Schneiderman (Foreign Affairs, December 2012)
Describing what happened to Alan Gross and what has happened in the United States since his arrest, this Foreign Affairs article attempts to unravel much of the misunderstandings surrounding this case. It explains why Alan Gross was arrested and why the United States has been unable, or unwilling, to bring him back to his native country. It further speculates how the Obama administration might readdress this issue in a changing political climate.
Alan Gross and Judith Gross, Plaintiffs, v. Development Alternatives, Inc. and the United States of America, Defendants
(Trial began in November 2012)
The following documents were submitted as evidence in Case 1:12-cv-01860-JEB in United States District Court for the District of Columbia
DAI Response to the suit filed - (January 2013)Declaration of John Henry McCarthy - John Henry McCarthy acted as the DAI Chief of Party for the "Cuba Program Task Order" (January 2013)
Development Alternative Inc. Contract Modification No. 5- extending the JBDC's period of performance and activities (October 2009)
DAI Subcontract - Proposed expansion by JBDC of the Scope of Work - (September 2009)
USAID Competitive Task Order - (Issued in May 2008)
By Desmond Butler (Associated Press investigative report, February 2012)
This article attempts to clarify many of the misconceptions about Alan Gross and explains his role in Cuba as a development contractor. It offers alternative perspectives on Gross’s work, which provided illegal technological infrastructure that allowed for uncensored use of the Internet. Chronologically listing the events leading up to his arrest, this article summarizes Alan Gross’s work and the details of his imprisonment.
(Popular Provincial Court Havana, March 2011)
This hearing documents the evidence presented by the defense and prosecution in the Popular Provincial Court of Havana, and the decision of the court to convict Alan Gross to 15 years in prison for "Acts Against the Independence or Territorial Integrity of the State."
Transcript of a presentation by Eduardo Fontes Suárez, Political Section of the Ministry of the Interior, Cuba (June 2010)
A Cuban counterintelligence specialist details Cuba’s changing relationship with technologies and increasing access to technology to civilians. It also considers the American government’s role in bringing the Internet to Cuba to potentially accelerate the transition to democracy. Finally, he discusses Alan Gross’s role in bringing subversive technologies to Cuba, the dangers that these might pose to youth and other citizens, and what the Cuban government is doing to combat those efforts.
(Meeting notes, August 2008)
This document records the proceedings of a meeting on the Cuba Democracy and Contingency Planning Program. The main objectives of the program are to empower pro-democracy, pro-human rights groups and those looking for alternative visions for the island. The program seeks to expand the reach of the program's ideas and activities, to build and fortify networks and citizen's capacity to act, and to increase the flow of communication to and around the island.