TED Case Study

The Chipko movement of the Uttarakhand region in the northwest part of India began as a communal reaction of local villagers to protect their forests from commercial deforestation practices. The term "Chipko" which literally means "to embrace", was designated to these villagers who reacted by actually hugging the trees. It became so popular that the movement spread throughout all of India and different parts of Asia. Local women of the region are central to the movement's success and continue to be its backbone. In fact over the decades, Chipko has been known for its ecofeminist strategies. This case study will examine the development of the envrionmental problems over the decades and study the social and cultural elements implicit in the communities of the Uttarkhand Himalyan region.

2. Description

From 1815 to 1949 Uttarakhand was divided into two kingdoms, Tehri Garhwal state and the colonial territory of Kumaun (Shiva, 7). The political structure of hill society in those two kingdoms was distinct from the rest of India in that along with the prescense of communal tradition, there was an absence of sharp class division (Shiva 14). The land was understood to belong to the community rather as a whole even though there was a caste system in place. The natural environment for the hill people consisted of a system of tillage and methods of crop rotation (Shiva 15). The production was directed towards subsistence in which the surplus was exported to Tibet and southwards to the plains. In fact, the communities living in the hill usually had six months of stock in grain with a supplement of fish, fruit, vegetable, and animal meat (Shiva, 15). The hill district constituted over 60% of owner-cultivators and 80% of the total population farmed with the help of family labour. By the turn of the century, nine-tenths of the hillmen cultivated with full-ownership rights(Shiva 17). " The absence of sharp inequalities in land ownership within body cultivating propietors--who formed bulk population--was basis for sense solidarity village community.Because those who owned worked community together to sustain their existence. women not only maintained household economy by collecting fooderfuel and food familythey equally with husbands fieldcultivated reared cattle as well (Shiv21-22).

The absence of intermediaries and class divisions within the villages is also due to the "ecological characteristics of mountain society." look at page 30 for the way tradition played a role in the preservation of the environment and the way villagers worked with nature. The building of railway network that began the science forestry and social change of the community. Forestry in Gharwal Forestry in Kumaun Early Resistence to the forestry techniques and rules. In the recent decades, the availability of natural resources to the rural communities of the Uttarakhand region as well as in other rural communities has eroded tremendously due to two linear, interrelated processes that have undermined the traditional institutional arrangement of resource use and management which existed in many of the areas: 1) the degradation of the forests both in quantity and quality and 2) the appropriation of land by state to preferred individuals and the privatization of land to timber or profit-seeking corporations. As a result there has been a shift away from community resource management and control which was proven to be more effective in ecological regeneration and restoration. The environmental exploitation of the region's forests evident in the deteriorating soil conditions, depleting water resources, and disappearing forests. Although there is no exact data as to the extent of the degeneration, there is enough that indicates the depletion of the resources as real and substantial, increasing at a rapid rate under the control of external hands.

Under colonial rule, the forests of the Uttarakhand, which were divided into two separate systems (Tehri Gharwal state and Kumaun) at the time, were under much restraint and exploitation as commercial interests replaced old growth forest with chir-pine, coffee, and tea plantations, fruit trees, and mass felling. All of which were profit inducing products to be sold in the market. In effect this agribusiness destroyed the once harmonious relationship the local people had with their environment. After independence, the state monopoly over forests and its practice of forest profiteering continued on. In many cases the village men were used as intermediaries and compensated by various means, little of which contributed to subsistence needs. In fact, as will be shown later on, much of the compensation the men received was spent on liquor.

Furthermore, when the Indian state set forth restrictions for conservation purposes, it did so at the expense of the local people, preventing them access from their only source of sustenance and further marginalized them economically and socially from the state. This did not so much hinder the timber corporations from exploitative measures to fell tress, but only accentuated the accentuated the divisions between the local communities and the state.

This did not go unprotested by the people of Uttarakhand. In fact there were many 'unorganized' social protests that took place prior to the Chipko movement. In 1958, a committee was set up to investigate the concerns and discontent of the people at the Forest Department and the deteriorating conditions in the hill tract areas. Growing resentment persisted against the practice of timber being sold to 'outside' contractors (Guha, 154).

This undercurrent of discontention and protests against the management of the Forest Department was also aggravated by other elements of commercialization and underdevelopment of the hills (Guha, 154). The 1960 opened its doors to one of the first mobilization of women's consciousness and collectivity. Led by Sarvodaya workers of the Ghandian Foundation, Uttarakhand Sarvodaya Mandal (founded by Mira Behn and Sarala Behn) and thousand of villagers-mostly women-picketed in different districts of Gharwal and Tehri against widespread distillation and sale of liquor. The degradation of the environment and worsening conditions, socially and economically, of the communal villages over the decades had caused the consumption of liquor among the male villagers to be severely high. As a result, the fragmentation of the villages, specifically between the sexes, were further deepened as suicide, homelessness, unemployment, and male migration out of the villages became the tragic consequences. It was extremely difficult for the women since the brunt if not all of the work load fell on them. This includes household as well as farming, fetching feed, fodder, and fuel for subsistence. Therefore it their opposition to the sale of the liquor was natural and played a great part in their survival as well as the environment. Especially considering that the men were swayed to work for lumber corporations and get compensated through liquor coupons (I still have to verify that). Hence the men were more likely to want to grow plants there were sellable. "When villagers were asked about which trees should be planted as part of a reforestation plan, the men immediately chose fruit trees. The women responded: 'The men would take the fruits and sell them by the roadside. The cash will only go to buy liquor and tobacco. We women prefer fuel and fodder trees' (Warren, 85).

such development decisios in India, multiculture species of trees have been replaced by monocultural species of trees have been repaced by monoultural species, primarily eucaluptus. But eucalyptus is very unpopular among local women. The resons why local women dislike eucalyptus plantations show four crucial respects in which tees forests and forestry ......page some villagers men own timber trees and women own food trees....can't own economic trees. When the great flood of 1970 took place, a substantial number of the communities were washed away by the severity of the natural disaster and many villagers began to see the causal link between the flood and the deforestation; this was especially evident where the villages that were most affected by the flood lay right underneath forests that felling had taken place (Ruha, 156). In 1973 when a local co-op organization asked for an allotment of ash trees to make its agricultural implements and was refused by the forest department, and then Seymonds Co. a large lumber asked for the same and was allotted just a few miles away in the forest of Mandal, Chandi Brasat Bhatt, a leading local activist in against the sale of liquor thought of hugging the trees to save it prevent the felling (Ruha, 157). Hence Chipko, which literally means to embrace was conceived. It was the next even however that truly bought to light the significant role and contribution that women played in the movement's successes and global environmental implications for all. With all the men out of the village on scheduled meetings against the proposed auctioning off of trees at Reni, the contractors men took advantage of the situation (forgetting about the women) and headed for the forests. A young girl who spied them headed back to inform the head of Mahila Mandal (Women's Club) Gaura Devi who quickly mobilized the women of the village toward the forest before the contractors arrived. When they refused to budge, the contractors were forced to return home (Ruha, 159).

3. Related Cases

When I ran South Asia as a variable in the set of TED case studies, Chipko, Kashmir, Sandalwood appeared as the three that had deforestation problems. All three are in India. It appears that of all the countries in South Asia, the problem of deforestation seems to be predominant in India as indicated in the chart. However one must not discount the fact that perhaps research in this area was not extended to other areas in the region. Vietwood and Indones studies fell under the Deforestation variable and both take place in Asia. The remaining case studies are also relevant, especially the recent ones that look at the impact of environmental degradation on indigenous tribes.

Of the 27 countries in South Asia (under the South Asia variable) 15 of them are India, 16 are Tropical, but only 3 are relating to wood (all of which are listed above). Of the 27 cases 17 are unilateral in scope which indicate that the problem at hand is within the country. Of the 15 case studies in India, 7 are unilateral while the remaining are bi- or multilateral. This of course is more of a realist look since deforestation effects on a global level. The chart also indicates that most people in South Asia do not have rights; of the 27 case studies, 16 were labeled as having no rights--that's about two thirds of South Asia. Furthermore, of the 15 India case studies, 8 case studies had human rights problems. Under the deforestation variable, the results indicate that deforestation takes place in all part of the world--North Africa, South America, Africa, Europe, Middle East, and Asia (East as well as South). The habitat is mostly tropical and the industry is mostly either wood or food related. There were 58 cases and of those 35 are unilateral in scope. The chart also indicates that only 12 cases have been registered, which implies that only a few of the cases have been formally taken to court. What this also means is that the deforestation problem persists today as ongoing world wide issue that has yet to be resolved.

4. Draft Author (and Date):

Legal Cluster

5. Discourse and Status:

6. Forum and Scope:

7. Decision Breadth:

8. Legal Standing:

Geographic Cluster

9.Geographic Locations

10. Sub-National Factors:

11. Type of Habitat:

Trade Cluster

12. Type of Measure:

13. Direct v. Indirect Impacts:

14. Relation of Trade Measure to Environmental Impact

15. Trade Product Identification:

16. Economic Data

17. Impact of Trade Restriction:

Increasing tariffs on apparel, foods, and natural resources can hurt India's ecnonomy as it is a major exporter for all three products. As evident in the chart below, it does not import or export significant amounts of raw wood as it, in fact it probably uses it's own resources and manufactures products domestically.

18. Industry Sector:

The Information and Public Relations, Government of Uttar Pradesh, Lucknow, INDIA url<http://www.upinfo.org/index1.html> lists that handicraft, food, processing, textile, electrical equipment, khadi, leather, sports good, toys carpet, and garmetns as major export items. Brassware, carpet, perfumes, silk, handlooms, and electrical automobile industries contribute to the eocnomy. The state has 312, 182 units in small sector involving invesment of (Rupees=RS) Rs28.275 billion with a number of 1,942 in medium and heavy industries in which Rs281.73 billion is invested. It also listed that 20% of Uttar Pradesh's GDP is contributed by the manufacturing sector as compared to 27.5% of India's. India is highly dependent on labor-intensive products for exports.

Products	1994	1995	1996	1997	1998
Wood in Rough Square D	-	-	1,678	603	NA
Wood Simply worked	243	294	1,151	482	NA
Wood Manufactures N.E.S.	5,360	7195	7,059	7,624	NA
Fruit/Veg Juices	1,681	3,202	899	2,037	NA
Spices	149,166	179,939	252,965	285,332	NA
Pearls/Precious Stones	4,060,449	4,745,985	4,175,691	4,475,467	NA

The greatest export in 1997 are the pearls and precious stones at $4,475,467. The second greatest export are the spices at $285,332,000. The wood products do not generate much revenue compared to the spices and stones/precious stones. Of the wood related products, India exports mostly manufactured wood products at $7,624,000 and very little of the raw and simply worked wood.

Products	1994	1995	1996	1997	1998
Wood in Rough Square D	204,269	225,357	246,556	386,123	NA
Wood Simply worked	243	294	1,151	482	NA
Wood Manufactures N.E.S.	936	669	724	1,110	NA
Fruit/Veg Juices	1,681	3,202	899	2,037	NA
Spices	11,952	16,915	21,811	29,058	NA
Pearls/Precious Stones	1,633,441	2,109,932	2,923,503	2,771,083	NA

Surprisingly, India imports a great deal of pearls and precious stones. In fact, its the biggest import at a cost of $2,771,083,000--almost half of the exports. It's second largest imports are the raw wood products valued at $386,123,000. It imports very little manufactured and simply worked wood as compared to the other products.

19. Exporters and Importers:

Environment Cluster

20. Environmental Problem Type:

21. Name, Type, and Diversity of Species

22. Resource Impact and Effect:

High The villagers depend on the above resources for daily sustenance. The women and the men of the communities are effected by the degradation of the forest in very different ways. The women worse off--they are restricted to habitation that is not marketable. Due to long-standing tradition and an deeply-rooted patriarchal system, the women are marginalized from the market and the cash economy. They are the ones who collect the fodder, feed, fuel and must travel longer distances to obtain these subsistence-based needs. They gather plantsfor maintaining the household, the family, household animal stock. Most of the men on the other hand have access to market plants which can be sold for profit. Commercial interests outside of the region resulted unemployment and male outmigration from the males. The men who did stay were able to sell plants, such as fruit trees and chir-pine tree for profits. The women, on the other hand, who could not sell and relied on the subsistence-based plants would be the most affected. Their livelihood and the survival of their children and family was at stake.

23. Urgency and Lifetime:

24. Substitutes:

Other Factors

25. Culture

Yes Culture is an essential element in the movement because it is based along gender-class lines. The sexual-division of labor has been embedded in the society's structure for centuries prior to colonialism. What colonialism and the western technocratic practices of ecological destruction accentuated a socially embedded patriarchal system. After colonialism ended, the women were still segregated from the public sphere. The village communes were in essence their only means of self-control and when that was taken away from them, they were left with nothing but even more aggravated hardships. In fact, the Chipko movement is as much cultural as it is ecological because even though the product intended to save are the trees, it is also the self-determination and self-reliance for the women in the communities, but also a peasant movement for all the villagers involved.

26. Trans-Boundary Issues:

27. Rights:

28. References

Agarwal, Bina. "Gender, Environment, and Poverty Interlinks: Regional Variations and Temporal Shifts in Rural India." World Development Report 25:1:23-52. 1997.

Agarwal,Bina. "The Gender and Environment Debate: Lessons from India." Feminist Studies 18:1:119-154. Spring 1992.

Uttarakhand. Chipko and the Women of Uttarakhand. Internet WWW page, at URL (version current at 11 October 1999)

DeSouza, Alfred. Women in Contemporary India and South Asia. Indian Social Institute: New Delhi. 1980.

Guha, Ramachandra. The Unquiet Woods. University of California Press: Berkeley. 1990.

Khanna, Girija and Mariamma A. Varghese. Indian Women Today. Vikas Publishing House Pvt Ltd: New Delhi. 1978.

Mawdsley, Emma. "After Chipko: From Environment to Region in Uttaranchal." The Journal of Peasant Studies 25:4:36-54. July 1998. Shiva, Vandana. Ecology and the Politics of Survival. Sage Publications India Pvt Ltd: New Delhi. 1991.

Shiva, Vandana. Biopiracy: The Plunder of Nature and Knowledge. South End Press: Boston. 1997.

Link to Rajiv Rawat's site for more information on Uttarakhand and the Chipko movement

The photos on this site are portraits of people and scenes of the Uttarakhand Himalayas. Link for more pictures...

TED Case Studies

Identification

1. The Issue