Macedonia Blockade
Macedonia Blockade (MACEDON)
CASE NUMBER: 268
CASE MNEMONIC: MACEDON
CASE NAME: Macedonia Blockade
A. IDENTIFICATION
1. The Issue
The newly independent Republic of Macedonia is not having an
easy time establishing itself either in international political or
trading circles. Among the reasons for this is a dispute with its
southern neighbor Greece over its name, symbols, and cultural
claims. The result of this dispute has been a total blockade of
trade going into or out of Macedonia through Greece. As the Greek
port of Thessalonika is the primary trade route for the small
landlocked state, the effects of the blockade have been serious.
Among its effects there is environmental damage. Macedonia is
entirely dependent on imports for its oil supply. With the
blockade in place Macedonia has had to make do with small amounts
of expensive refined petroleum imports from Bulgaria, and its own
coal reserves. Unfortunately these coal reserves are of a very
low-grade and environmentally hazardous type. Unless a cleaner
substitute fuel, or an economical way to obtain crude oil, can be
found Macedonia may soon fall victim to the same levels of air and
water pollution plaguing so many other Eastern European states.
2. Description
On 20 November 1991, the Republic of Macedonia became an
independent state. Up until that time it had existed as a
republic within the Yugoslav Federation. In its constitution, the
new state used its Yugoslav name "The Republic of Macedonia." This
has caused them considerable trouble with their southern neighbor
Greece, and has left them with the international compromise name of
"The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia" or FYROM for short. (1)
Greece claims that the original Macedonians, their name, and
all related symbols (primarily the 16-pointed Star of Virgina found
on the tomb of Philip of Macedon and used on the Macedonian flag)
are Greek, and that the people of the current Republic of Macedonia
are only a Slavic people that have since migrated into what may or
may not have once been Macedonian lands. For them, the only real
Macedonia is their northern province of that name; populated by
Greeks, as in their opinion was the original Macedonia. While The
Republic of Macedonia was only a part of Yugoslavia, the Greeks did
not consider the name to be significant enough to warrant
disturbing their relations with Belgrade. Now they are insisting
that the name be dropped as well as all related symbols, and any
claims on Greek Macedonia. They are concerned about clauses in the
Macedonian Constitution which mention a right to, "care for" ethnic
Macedonians in other states. The Greeks deny the existence of
Macedonians as a distinct ethnic group, insisting their own ethnic
Macedonians are, Slavophone Greeks.(2)
The Republic of Macedonia refuses to compromise on what it
considers the heritage and identity of its people. It claims to
have no territorial desires beyond its current borders, and insists
that nothing in its Constitution implies such. It considers Greece
to be an international bully, and has sought international support
and recognition using its original name. The result has been a
protracted argument which has interrupted trade in the region to
both states detriment.(3)
Many European states wanted to quickly recognize and support
the independent republic as a way of stabilizing the Balkans.
Their fear was a spreading of hostilities from northern Yugoslavia
into a general third Balkan war. However, at the EC Summits of
June and December 1992 they refrained from this because of Greek
objections.
A series of international discussions followed with little
result. The Greeks would agree only to something like
þSlavomacedoniaþ as one word, but the Macedonians refused to give
up their name. Further, the Albanians denounced Slavomacedonia
because it implied only Slavs lived in Macedonia when a
considerable Albanian minority exists. The next series of talks
were then delayed for the Greek elections on 10 October 1993 which
made hard-line anti-Macedonian, Andreas Papandreou, Greek Prime
Minister. His position, no further dialog without a change in the
Macedonia position. Talks broke down and the Greeks tried to force
the issue by imposing a full trade blockade on Macedonia on 16
February 1994.(4)
The damage this caused to the Macedonian economy, already
weakened by the UN sanctions placed on its major trading partner
Serbia, was tremendous. Especially since it cut off landlocked
Macedonia from the Greek port of Thessalonika. Most of Macedonian
trade outside the Yugoslav area went through Thessalonika as did
all of Macedoniaþs oil imports. Oil obtained by other trade routes
was over twice as costly which resulted in decreased economic
activity. It was also economically painful for the Greeks, but to
nowhere so great a degree.(5)
There have been a number of negative results from the Greek
trade blockade. Macedonia is one area of Eastern Europe that has
managed to avoid the environmental nightmare that industrial
production in the Communist Bloc brought to so many other
countries. Since the beginning of the blockade, though, the
Macedonians have had to shift much of their energy production from
using imported oil to using low-grade domestic coal.(6) The
ramification of such a change for the environment and public health
are considerable.
During all of this, the other Europeans began pushing for a
resolution of the dispute. On 16 December 1993, shortly before
Greece was to take control to the EU presidency, Britain, Denmark,
France, Germany, Italy, and Holland announced their intentions to
establish full diplomatic relations with Macedonia. Other states
soon followed. The move, they say, was intended to promote
stability in the Balkans and showed no favor in the name dispute.
Even so, most Greeks feel that the name dispute has been lost and
even more disapprove of the blockade. The Greek government now seem
to be seeking a dignified way out of the dispute with something
they can call success. The Macedonian are not budging.(7)
In the meanwhile, the blockade continues as does the
environmental damage caused by the large scale burning of poor
quality coal. Further, the situation has led to increased internal
unrest on both sides of the border. In Macedonia, the threat to
the national identity combined with the dire economic situation
have led to increased ethnic tensions between Macedonians and
ethnic Albanians. In Greece it has led to increased repression of
the disavowed Macedonian ethnic minority there. All parties
involved seem to realize the necessity of resolving the issue and
helping Macedonia stay on its economic and political feet if the
Balkans are to avoid a general war, but they have yet to find an
acceptable compromise.(8)
3. Related Cases
DANUBE case
EXXON case
SHETLAND case
Keyword Clusters
(1): Trade Product = MANY
(2): Forum = MACEDonia
(3): Environmental Problem = Species Loss Sea [SPLS]
4. Draft Author: J. Lance Alloway
B. LEGAL Clusters
5. Discourse and Status: DISagreement And ALLEGation
This is a disagreement, and one that is still largely at
impasse. Though both sides claim openness to discussion, neither
is willing to back down on the core argument. Papandreou has,
however, mitigated the Greek position by stating that, "non-
recognition includes a range of options from having friendly
relations to closing borders."(9) This may soon lead to an ending
of the blockade and thus the need for Macedonia to continue using
environmentally hazardous lignite coal in its electrical plants.
As of 16 February 1994 the blockade and its effects on trade
and the environment was complete. The question now is how long it
will be until the blockade is lifted and normal trade relations
resumed. Beyond this there is also one other problem. The vast
majority of Macedonian oil imports came from Iraq, with whom the
Republic of Macedonia has had traditionally good relations.
Currently Iraq is under UN sanctions and can not export its oil.
Though Macedonia has had traditionally good relations with this
state, they will have to find another oil source, perhaps at a
higher cost.
6. Forum and Scope: MACEDonia and GREECE
The Greek government under Andreas Papandreou was responsible
for the trade blockade. The Macedonians have appealed to
international fora such as the UN and the EU for help against the
blockade, but nothing more than talks have resulted.
7. Decision Breadth: 2
The legally effected parties in this dispute are Macedonia and
Greece.
8. Legal Standing: LAW
The source of the blockade is the Greek administration. The
EU Commission went before the European Court of Justice asking
for, "an immediate order to end the blockade." However, the ECJ
decided, on 29 June 1994 to take no punitive action. The
Commission once again brought charges against Greece on 1 February
1995, and the ECJ verdict is expected sometime in June of this
year. Should their verdict oppose the blockade the issue and forum
will become multilateral in nature.(10)
C. GEOGRAPHIC Clusters
9. Geographic Locations
a. Geographic Domain: EUROPE
b. Geographic Site: BALKAN
c. Geographic Impact: MACEDonia
The area of the present day Republic of Macedonia, referred to
as Vardar Macedonia by many because of its major river, is the
northern most section of historical Macedonia (accompanied by Greek
Aegean Macedonia and Bulgarian Pirin Macedonia). In Vardar
Macedonia, an area 9,900 square miles in size, one finds a plateau
some 2,000-3,000 feet above sea level which is, studded with
mountains, reaching up to 8,000 feet in height.(11) This
landlocked, land of high mountains and fertile plains [is]
traversed by wide but unnavigable rivers which follow a general
southerly direction.þ As such, it relies primarily on rail
transportation for the exchange of goods. The nearest salt water
port is Thessalonika across the border in the Greek province of
Aegean Macedonia.(12)
10. Sub-National Factors: Yes
The situation is complicated for both countries by the
involvement of sub-national groups. In Macedonia it is the
Albanian ethnic minority in the northwest of the country. In
Greece it is the Macedonian ethnic minority in their northern
province of Macedonia. While these factors will be discussed
fully in the culture and human rights sections of the case study,
it is important to note here that both complicate the argument by
making compromise seem dangerous. Some Macedonians that to allow
their Albanian minority too much ethnic freedom is to invite
irrendentist sentiments toward Albania. Likewise, the Greeks fear
that acknowledging Macedonians as an ethnic group will undermine
their position on the name issue, and could put their northern
territory at risk.
11. Type of Habitat: TEMPerate
Most of the Republic of Macedonia has a temperate continental
climate. The winters are generally very cold with large amounts of
snowfall, while the summers are usually warm and rainy. Close to
the border with Greece the climate begins to become more
Mediterranean. The winters there are milder with more rain than
snow, and the summers are hotter and dryer. (13)
D. TRADE Clusters
12. Type of Measure: Import Ban [IMBAN]
This is not simply the banning of one product from import or
export, but covers all goods traded in both directions. All
official trade with the Republic of Macedonia has been cut off if
it comes through Greece.
13. Direct vs. Indirect Impacts : DIRect
Some 60 percent of Macedonian trade with states outside of the
former Yugoslav area came and went through the Greek port city of
Thessalonika. This included Macedoniaþs entire oil supply.(14)
Bringing in oil and other petroleum products through Albanian or
Bulgarian routes has proven slower and over twice as costly. In
addition to the closing of the Skopje oil refining industry and
increased damage to Macedoniaþs metallurgy industry, this has
directly resulted in greatly increased dependence on low-
efficiency, high-pollutant, domestic lignite coal as a power
source. Current use of lignite coal is up to 7 million tons per
year to run the REK Bitola and Oslomej power plants (producing 750
megawatts of electricity each), with increases in production
capacity of another 400,000 tons per year under way. There are also
two new 210 megawatt coal-fire electrical plants under
construction. (15)
14. Relation of Measure to Impact
a. Directly Related : Yes MANY
b. Indirectly Related : No
c. Not Related : No
d. Process Related : No
Macedonia can expect a number of environmental problems to
result from increased coal use for power generation. The coal
mining process, which causes serious ground-water and freshwater
pollution, is being increased to cover energy requirements usually
met by oil. Then the burning process releases harmful chemicals
into the air which cause acid rain, ozone depletion, and severe
health problems. Finally, the acid rain resulting from this air
pollution further contaminates the water supply and destroys forest
stands.(16)
15. Trade Product Identification: MANY
While the Greek blockade effects all products flowing into or
out of Macedonia by way of Greece, its environmental impact stems
from its impact on oil imports. "The largest components of
Macedonian industry have a strong energy intensive character."(17)
Oil, or some substitute, must then be found and in significant
quantities. This, in concert with Macedoniaþs generally weak
economic position, make domestic lignite coal a very attractive
option despite its lower energy efficiency and pollutive qualities.
Refined petroleum products, such as gasoline for automobiles, are
being bought from Bulgaria by Makpetrol and some of the newer
petroleum companies, but the higher price limits their
attractiveness in areas such as power-generation where coal can be
used as a replacement.(18)
16. Economic Data
Despite the blockade, much of Macedoniaþs energy needs are
still being met through imports, at around 42 percent of total
need. Of domestic production, 965 megawatts comes from
thermoelectric power stations. These were once fueled by some 1
million tons of imported crude oil every year. This has been
replaced by over 7 million tons of coal required annually. This
lead to fewer imports which goes well with IMF austerity plans for
the Macedonian economy, but the domestic coal provides less than
half of the energy yield of hard coal let alone oil. Total
Macedonian coal reserves are estimated at some 2 billion tons. (19)
The economic impact of the blockade is especially damaging
the nearly 65 percent of the Macedonian economy involved in
manufacturing, trade, tourism, catering, and transportation. This
number is, however, slightly inflated as it includes the
communications and mining sectors which should not be hit
especially hard by the blockade. In the case of mining, any
reductions will be mitigated by the increase in coal mining.
Macedonia also has a significant pharmaceutical industry, being one
of the few states allowed to legally produce morphine for export to
medical facilities.
Lucky for Macedonia it still has a considerable agriculture
sector, amounting to 23.3 percent of GNP. This has allowed
Macedonia to continue feeding itself when states such as Croatia
were facing severe food shortages due to trade disruption from the
Yugoslav war. (21)
Since Macedoniaþs acceptance into the UN as the FYROM, it has
become eligible for some international assistance. In addition to
the IMFþs help in restructuring its economy, Macedonia will receive
$40 million from the IBRD and another $40 million from the IDA for
þkey structural reforms, designed to enable the government to
achieve sustainable stabilization and restore growth, while
protecting vulnerable groups through social safety net reforms.þ
This should help their economy tremendously both in terms of riding
out current market loss problems, but also in developing long-term
comparative advantages once normal trade is resumed. (22)
Economic damages to Macedonia resulting from the blockade are
estimated at around $40 million per month plus an 11 percent
decrease in economic activity. (25) Alternate shipping routes have
been found through Albania and Bulgaria, but these are slower and
more expensive than the direct rail transport from the port of
Thessalonika. The effect of the blockade on oil prices has been
to increase the cost of transporting crude oil from $19 per ton to
$41.50 per ton. (26)
Still, unofficial economic relations between Macedonia and
Greece are growing in response to the blockade. For instance,
numerous Greek businesses have established þsatellite branchesþ in
Bulgaria to carry on trade with Macedonia. (27) As one Greek
commentator addressing the 100 some Greek companies involved in
skirting the blockade put it, þnobody dislikes low labor costs.þ
(28)
18. Industry Sector: ALL / OILGAS
The blockade effects all products, but the primary
environmental repercussions stem from the effect it has on
Macedoniaþs energy sector.
19. Exporters and Importers: MANY and MANY
Here again, anyone involved in trading with Macedonia will be
effected by this blockade. Those most effected are Macedonia and
Greece, followed by other countries in the region like Albania,
Bulgaria, and Turkey. Restrictions on trade with Macedonia also
increases the Serbþs difficulty in obtaining black market goods
there. Russia is also involved as it is attempting to build a
natural gas pipeline through Bulgaria to Macedonia. (29)
E. ENVIRONMENT Clusters
20. Environmental Problem Type
Problem: POLA and POLW
Air pollution and water pollution
The environmental damage done by the Greek blockade comes from
adjustments the Macedonian economy has had to make to its energy
sector. Prior to the blockade the Macedonians consumed some 1
million tons of oil per year. Now much of that energy is produced
with domestic lignite or,þ brown,þ coal. In addition to providing
less energy, lignite coal is also much more hazardous to the
environment. (30)
Lignite is the lowest form of coal, ranking just above peat.
This brown, fibrous fuel has a lower carbon content (approx. 37.8
percent) and higher moisture content (43.4 percent) than hard or
bituminous coal. It also contains a greater amount (18.8 percent)
of volatile materials such as hydrocarbons, sulfur, and nitrogen.
Even after burning it is inferior to hard coal in that it leaves
more ash behind. (31)
The coal mines discharge organic compounds and heavy metals
into freshwater which has, very high environmental costs, in terms
of peopleþs health as well as that of the ecosystem in general.
The level of acidity and mineral content in waters contaminated by
a coal mine can quickly rise to levels where that body of water
will no longer support life. These effects are especially acute in
strip-mining operations, which are commonly used to extract lignite
coal. Water toxins also bioaccumulate in the food chain which
results in greater long-term damage to the ecosystemþs more
advanced species and can pose a particularly great health risk to
the humans atop that foodchain. (32)
Burning coal also has serious environmental and health
repercussions. Coal releases þsulfur dioxide and particulates
(soot and other small solid and liquid particles in smoke), into
the air. The airborne particulates can then carry toxins such as
heavy metals deep into the lungs. These substances, alone or in
combination, lead to an increased numbers of people suffering from,
"þcoughs, asthma, bronchitis and emphysema." It is believed that as
many as 50,000 people die each year in the US from coal related
diseases The conditions in most of Eastern Europe are much worse.
Just recently, aluminum released from harmless bedrock state by
acid rain, has been connected with Alzheimerþs Disease.(33)
21. Species Information
Species : MANY
Genera : MANY
Diversity : MEDium
All species within the range of the air and water pollution
will be effected. This includes not only the plant and animal life
in Macedonia, but the people there as well. There is also the
potential for effecting populations beyond the borders of
Macedonia.
22. Impact and Effect: HIGH and SCALE
Burning coal is a very dirty process, but burning it for
electrical energy is exceptionally so, producing 286 percent more
carbon dioxide than when used for other industrial purposes.
Comparing this to the pollution rate for oil which is only 86
percent as dirty as standard coal use (as opposed to coal-fired
electricity), one begins to see how great the impact of this fuel
switch is. Moreover, these numbers are figured for hard coal which
is cleaner and more efficient than the lignite the Macedonians are
using. Thus the pollutants per ton, as well as the quantity
required to replace the oil, will be even higher. (35)
23. Urgency and Lifetime
While the effects of continued lignite burning will in all
likelihood be severe, we have seen ecosystems slowly repair this
damage in the past. If the Macedonians use their lignite reserves
only as a stop-gap measure until a cleaner, more efficient energy
source can be secured, then the damage will be mostly repairable in
the space of a few decades. If, however, the Macedonians continue
to use this fuel source, they will find themselves in the same
predicament as many other Eastern European states. They will have
chronically polluted ecosystems to deal with and an antiquated
energy sector to cope with simultaneously. (36)
24. Substitutes : ALTERnative Energy
Macedonia has already begun working on alternatives to brown
coal fueled energy production which go beyond a simple return to
the status quo ante should the dispute with Greece be resolved.
First, foreign investors are already showing interest in the Vardar
Valley project which, þenvisages the construction of 10
hydroelectric power stations. While dams and reservoirs also have
an environmental cost, it is less damaging than low-grade coal-
fired power. There are also four areas (Gevgelija, Kocani, Skopje,
and Debar) of geo-thermal activity in Macedonia which could be used
for clean power generation. There has even been research done by
the Macedonian Academy of Sciences and Arts into the use of solar
power, though this an unlikely solution for now. Finally, and most
importantly, there is the GAMA 800 gas pipeline project. (37)
Construction of this pipeline began in January of 1993. It
will run from Bulgaria to the Macedonian capital of Skopje. This
pipeline, a joint project of Macedoniaþs Makpetrol and Gazeksport
of Moscow, will be linked to the Russian gas lines running through
Bulgaria. Only 200 million cubic metres of natural gas will
replace 160,000 tons of crude oil, meaning even greater efficiency
gains in terms of lignite coal replaced. The gas will be used for
industry and for consumer uses such as heating. The government is
funding 51% of the project with Italy, Germany, and Holland
competing for equipment contracts. (38)
The environmental effect of switching to clean burning gas
will be considerable. Natural gas produces the most energy and the
least air pollution of any fossil fuel and, while it still produces
CO2, the amount is only 58 percent as much as coal (compared to 86
percent for oil and the dire amounts produced from lignite-fired
electricity). It would also eliminate the water pollution
resulting from intensive coal surface mining. (39)
In the mean while, steps could be taken to clean up coal use
to reduce damage. Tall smokestacks in Poland removed some 60
percent of the particulate matter from their emissions. Also
around half of the SO2 could be removed from the coal by washing
it. These are low cost measures that can and should be put in
place until permanent changes in fuel use are implemented. (40)
F. OTHER Factors
25. Culture: Yes
Culture and ethnicity are central to this disagreement. The
Greeks refuse to accept the existence of a Macedonian ethnic group.
They claim that the ancient Macedonians were Greek and that the
inhabitants of the Republic of Macedonia are Slavic peoples with no
right to call themselves Macedonian. The Greeks have taken this
position to the extreme of repressing the ethnic expression and
citizenship rights of ethnic Macedonians with Greek citizenship.
Similarly, the Bulgarians do not accept a separate Macedonian
ethnic group. They feel the Macedonians are basically Bulgarian,
but have not expressed any opposition to Macedonian ethnic claims.
(41)
In Macedonia this situation has created a fairly reasonable
fear that their country is in danger of being gobbled up by its
neighbors. They are concerned not only with the Greeks, but also
with the Albanian minority in their own country. Many fear that
the ethnic Albanian enclaves in northwestern Macedonia will seek
union with the Albanian enclave of Kosovo in Serbia and the state
of Albania in a greater Albania. This has led to repressive
actions against the Albanians minority which in turn has led to an
increase in political extremism among both the Macedonian and
Albanian populations. (42)
26. Trans-Border : Yes
The trade measure concerned is a border blockade that allows
no goods to legally pass in or out of Greece from Macedonia. Also
the pollution caused from coal-fired electrical plants may well
become a trans-border environmental problem if it increases
pollution and acid rain levels in the region.
26. Human Rights : Yes
There have been real questions of human rights abuses related
to this dispute. In Greece there are up to 50,000 people who
consider themselves to be Macedonian. That does not mean they
seek union with Macedonia, only that they consider themselves part
of that ethnic group. Greece, however, refuses to acknowledge them
as anything but Greek, referring to them as, þSlavophone Greeks.þ
The Greek government does not allow them to use the word Macedonian
in the title of any association. It also has attempted to repress
activities expressing Macedonian ethnicity or culture. Further,
the government refuses to recognize a Macedonian language despite
the fact that these people speak that language. "Greece fears that
Skopje could raise questions about the status of the Slavic
minority." It is these fears that drive the Greek demand that
Macedonia remove its Constitutional language concerning, þcare
for,þ ethnic Macedonians abroad.(43)
The Macedonians have also been accused of human rights abuses
against ethnic Albanians. Under Macedonian law children are
entitled to education in their mother tongue through secondary
school. All students must learn Macedonian, and all classes at the
university level are taught in Macedonian. The Albanian minority
resents this, and attempted to establish a private Albanian
language university in the town of Tetovo in December of 1994. The
government refused their request as being unconstitutional and
attempted to stop its establishment. The Albanians went forward
with the plan despite government opposition which led to clashes
with the police. The most recent clash on 17 February 1995
resulted in the death of on Albanian and the injury of 20 others.
The rector and five other were arrested and later charged with,
þinciting people to resist the police, preventing the police from
exercising their duties, and illegal possession of weapons.þ These
events prompted the Albanian Party president Arben Djaferi to say
that, "from today, Macedonia cannot deny being a repressive
state."(44)
28. Relevant Literature
Anonymous. "Pessimistic Prognosis," Ekonomska Politika. April 20,
1992.
"Coal," Microsoft Corp. Encarta 1995 Edition.
Geroski, Branko. þBlockade Threatens A Downward Economic Spiral,þ
The Macedonian Times. September 28, 1994.
Goldsmith, Edward et al., Imperiled Planet: Restoring Our
Endangered Ecosystems. (Cambridge:MIT Press, 1990).
Greece Country Report. The Economist Intelligence Unit, (London),
2nd Quarter, 1995.
Hammond, Dr. Allen L. et al. World Resources 1992-93: A Guide to
the Global Environment. (Oxford University Press, New York, 1992).
Kim, Julie. þMacedonian-Albanian Ethnic Tensions: Chronology of the
Confrontation in Tetovo.þ CRS Report for Congress, (Congressional
Research Service: Library of Congress, Doc. 95-381 F, March 13,
1995).
Kim, Julie and Migdalovitz, Carol. þMacedonia: Former Yugoslav
Republic of Macedonia Situation Update,þ CRS Report for Congress.
(Congressional Research Service, The Library of Congress, doc. 94-
148 F, February 18, 1994).
Kofos, Evangelos. Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia.
(Thessaloniki: Institute for Balkan Studies, 1964).
Macedonia. The New Encyclopaedia Britannica. (Chicago:
Encyclopaedia Britannica Inc., 1993)
Macedonia Country Report. The Economist Intelligence Unit,
(London), 1st Quarter 1995.
Miller, G. Tyler Jr. Resource Conservation and Management.
(Wadsworth Publishing Company: Belmont, CA, 1989).
Pavlovski, Jovan. þInterview with the President of Macedonia, Kiro
Gligorov: A Marshall Plan for the Balkans,þ The Macedonian Times.
September 28, 1994.
Perry, Duncan M. þMacedonia: From Independence to Recognition,þ
RFE/RL Research Report. (volume. 3), January 7, 1994.
Velko, Andreev et al., The Republic of Macedonia, (Skopje: Goce
Delcev, 1994).
Woehrel, Steven J. and Kim, Julie. þBosnia - Former Yugoslavia:
Ongoing Conflict and U.S. Policy,þ CRS Report for Congress.
(Congressional Research Service, The Library of Congress, doc.
IB91089, March 14, 1995).
The World Bank Annual Report 1994. (The World Bank, Washington DC)
References
1) Anonymous. þPessimistic Prognosis,þ Ekonomska Politika.
April 20, 1992. pg.32-33.
2) Perry, Duncan M. þMacedonia: From Independence to
Recognition,þ RFE/RL Research Report. (volume. 3), January 7,
1994. pg. 118.
3) Pavlovski, Jovan. þInterview with the President of Macedonia,
Kiro Gligorov: A Marshall Plan for the Balkans,þ The Macedonian
Times. September 28, 1994. pg. 5.
4) Kim, Julie and Migdalovitz, Carol. þMacedonia: Former Yugoslav
Republic of Macedonia Situation Update,þ CRS Report for Congress.
(Congressional Research Service, The Library of Congress, doc.
94-148 F, February 18, 1994). pg. 2.
5) Eftov, V. þPeace in Macedonia,þ Vreme. February 28, 1994. pg.
13-14.
6) Ms. Pokorny, World Bank Infrastructure Division, Eastern
Europe, Personal Interview.
7) Macedonia Country Report. The Economist Intelligence Unit,
(London), 1st Quarter 1995. pg. 19.
8)Woehrel, Steven J. and Kim, Julie. þBosnia - Former Yugoslavia:
Ongoing Conflict and U.S. Policy,þ CRS Report for Congress.
(Congressional Research Service, The Library of Congress, doc.
IB91089, March 14, 1995). pg. 7.
9) Kim and Migdalovitz, pg. 4.
10) Woehrel and Kim, pg. 12.
11) Macedonia. The New Encyclopaedia Britannica. (Chicago:
Encyclopaedia Britannica Inc., 1993) vol. 7 pg. 620.
12) Kofos, Evangelos. Nationalism and Communism in Macedonia.
(Thessaloniki: Institute for Balkan Studies, 1964), pg. 2
13) Encyclopaedia Britannica, pg. 620.
14) Eftov, pg. 13-14.
15)Velko, Andreev et al., The Republic of Macedonia, (Skopje:
Goce Delcev, 1994). pg. 48
16) Goldsmith, Edward et al., Imperiled Planet: Restoring Our
Endangered Ecosystems. (Cambridge:MIT Press, 1990). pg. 246.
17) Ibid, pg. 47.
18) Geroski, Branko. þBlockade Threatens A Downward Economic
Spiral,þ The Macedonian Times. September 28, 1994. pg. 13
19) Velko, pg. 46-48.
20) Macedonia Country Report. The Economist Intelligence Unit,
(London), 1st Quarter 1995. pg. 18.
21) Ibid.
22) The World Bank Annual Report 1994. (The World Bank,
Washington DC) pg. 132.
23) Greece Country Report. The Economist Intelligence Unit,
(London), 2nd Quarter, 1995. pg. 3.
24) Ibid.
25) Macedonia Country Report. The Economist Intelligence Unit,
(London), 1st Quarter 1995. pg. 22.
26) Geroski, pg. 13.
27) Ibid.
28) Kim and Migdalovitz, pg. 4.
29) Velko, pg. 49-50.
30) Ibid, pg. 47-48.
31. "Coal," Microsoft Corp. Encarta 1995 Edition.
32) Hammond, Dr. Allen L. et al. World Resources 1992-93: A Guide
to the Global Environment. (Oxford University Press, New York,
1992). pg. 168.
33) Goldsmith, Edward et al., pg. 246.
34) Ibid.
35) Miller, G. Tyler Jr. Resource Conservation and Management.
(Wadsworth Publishing Company: Belmont, CA, 1989). pg. 491.
36) Hammond, Dr. Allen L. et al., pg. 57-74
37) Velko, pg. 48-49.
38) Ibid, pg. 49-50.
39) Miller, pg. 488-491.
40) Hammond, Dr. Allen L. et al., pg. 170.
41) Kim and Migdalovitz, pg. 3.
42. Kim, Julie. "Macedonian-Albanian Ethnic Tensions: Chronology
of the Confrontation in Tetovo." CRS Report for Congress,
(Congressional Research Service: Library of Congress, Doc. 95-381
F, March 13, 1995). pg. 3-5.
43. Kim and Migdalovitz, pg. 3.
44. Kim, pg. 3-5.
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